View Article  Constitution Series

 

This series draws primarily from two primary sources: An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States by Charles Beard, 1913, and The Anti-Federalists by Jackson Main, 1961.

 

Charles Austin Beard [1874-1948] is widely regarded as one of the most influential American historians of the early 20th century. While Beard published hundreds of monographs, textbooks and interpretive studies in both history and political science, he is most widely known for his radical re-evaluation of the Founding Fathers of the United States, whom he believed were more motivated by economics than by philosophical principles.

 

“The concept of the Constitution as a piece of abstract legislation reflecting no group interests and recognizing no economic antagonisms is entirely false. It was an economic document drawn with superb skill by men whose property interests were immediately at stake.”

 

Jackson Main [1917-2003, Academic and Historian]: “I had chosen to tackle Beard’s Economic Interpretation with the notion that Beard erred, but discovered that the secondary literature supported him, at least in general if not in detail.”

 

Howard Zinn: When economic interest is seen behind the political clauses of the Constitution, then the document becomes not simply the work of wise men trying to establish a decent and orderly society, but the work of certain groups trying to maintain their privileges, while giving just enough rights and liberties to enough of the people to ensure popular support. The American system is the most ingenious system of control in world history.

 

The Power of the Purse by E. James Ferguson [Academic], 1961: Beard’s major thesis that the Constitution was the handiwork of the classes of American society possessing status and property cannot be ascribed to him alone. What shocked Beard’s contemporaries and still provokes the most criticism was his purported demonstration that many of the founding fathers held securities and stood to profit from their work. Although his declared object was merely to identify the founders as members of an economic class, the implication was that they had a profit motive.

 

The Articles of Confederation

 The First President - John Hanson

Class Distinctions 1780's

 

Debt and Taxes 1780's

 

The Antifederalists

 

1780's Post Revolution Depression

 

Shays' Rebellion Series

 

Society of Cincinnati

 

Federalists Push for a Constitution

 

The Federalist Papers - Economic Excerpts

 

The Constitution as an Economic Document

 

Fear of Aristocracy

 

Skewed Power Structure

 

Philadelphia Convention of 1787

 

The Founding Fathers’ Economic Interests

 

Constitution Ratified

 

The Whiskey Rebellion Series 

 

 

The Revolution Financiers and Creditors 

Robert Morris - Revolution Financier

 

Alexander Hamilton

 

Haym Salomon

 

Timeline

 

1776: Declaration of Independence

 

1777: Continental Congress drafts Articles of Confederation

 

1781: Americans defeat British at Battle of Yorktown

 

1783: Treaty of Paris signed

 

1786 to 1787: Shays' Rebellion

 

May 1787: First meeting of Philadelphia Convention

 

Sep 1787: Proposed Constitution signed, ratification called.

 

Oct 1787: First Federalist Paper appears:

 

Mar 1789: First United States Congress is seated.

 

Apr 1789: George Washington is inaugurated as the first President of the United States.

 

1791 to 1794: The Whiskey Rebellion

 
View Article  The Whiskey Rebellion Series

 

Constitution Series

 

The Whiskey Rebellion by William Hodgeland, 2006, Edited Excerpts

 

That struggle had financial, political, and spiritual aspects. In the most literal sense it was about paying the revolution’s debt. The whiskey rebels weren't against paying taxes. They were against what they called unequal taxation, which redistributed wealth to a few holders of federal bonds and kept small farms and businesses commercially paralyzed. Farmers and artisans, facing daily anxiety over debt foreclosure and tax imprisonment, feared becoming landless laborers, their businesses bought cheaply by the very men in whose mills and factories they would then be forced to toil. They saw resisting the whiskey tax as a last, desperate hope for justice in a decades-long fight over economic inequality. Alexander Hamilton and his allies, whose dreams had long been obstructed by ordinary people’s tactics for influencing public finance policy, saw enforcing the whiskey tax as a way of resolving that fight in favor of a moneyed class with the power to spur industrial progress.

 

The national crisis came to be known as the Whiskey Rebellion, a scene of climatic moments in the lives of famous founders like George Washington and Alexander Hamilton began in the fall of 1791, when gangs on the western frontier started attacking collectors of the first federal tax on an American product, hard liquor.

 

Colonial Americans had forged an alliance condemning the Stamp Act. With independence won, a U.S. Congress’s imposing the hated excise tax would seem the ultimate in ideological betrayal.

 

 

The Whiskey Rebellion Series

The People's Movement

 

Revolutionary War Debt

 

Manipulating a Mutinous Army

 

Constitution Ratified

 

Hamilton Pushes the Whiskey Tax

 

Whiskey and the Frontier

 

Mechanics of the Whiskey Tax

 

Mingo Creek Association

 

George Washington – Land Speculator

 

The Militia Act

 

The Army – Officers and Draftees

 

The Dreadful Night

 

Rebellion Defeated

 

View Article  Whiskey Rebellion - Rebellion Defeated

 

The Whiskey Rebellion Series

 

On Christmas morning, 1794, twenty thousand Philadelphians mobbed the broad, cobbled streets of their city to see the defeated whiskey rebels brought in from the west. If the people were expecting a big show, they had reason to be disappointed. There were twenty prisoners, and General Blackbeard White himself had been given the job of escorting them from the Forks. Already skinny, pale, and exhausted by questioning and imprisonment when leaving Fort Fayette on November 25, they’d spent a month crossing mountains forbidding enough in summer, locked now in winter. Each prisoner had walked. General White ordered the beheading of anyone attempting escape: heads, he’s announced hopefully, would be displayed in the city. Only twelve cases went to trial, and in the end only two rebels were convicted. With the crisis over, Washington pardoned the condemned men.

 

In Washington’s stated opinion, suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion had drawn from the American people the support for law and government that marked their highest character. Washington also noted that the operation worked out well for him personally. With commercial distilling newly profitable, he added whiskey making to his endeavors at Mount Vernon.

 

Yet the whiskey tax remained hard to collect. There were occasional disruptions of court proceedings and occasional threats, but mainly there was sneakiness and recalcitrance, smuggling and moonshining. The authority that established itself at last in the western country was not challenged. It was eluded.

 

In the election of 1800, the Jeffersonians came to power and the whiskey tax was repealed.

View Article  Whiskey Rebellion - The Dreadful Night

 

The Whiskey Rebellion Series

 

The whole population had been defined as insurgent. The very presence of federal troops made the Forks a kind of battlefield. Rules for capturing and interrogating prisoners of war weren’t governed by the Bill of Rights. By the time the army began making mass arrests at the Forks, it seemed to Forks moderates that more than two thousand men had fled the area; almost anybody who had committed an act of terror, and wasn’t within amnesty, had gone down the Ohio or into the countryside.

 

Hundreds of Forks residents, within and without amnesty, were yanked from bed at bayonet point in the cold. Foot soldiers prodded the startled prisoners, close to naked and some barefoot, out of cabins  into new-fallen snow while mounted officers barked commands and told furious wives and crying children that the men were being taken to be hanged. All were run through the snow in chains, toward various lockups in town jails, stables, and cattle pens, to await interrogation.

 

General Anthony “Blackbeard” White, of the New Jersey militia, was well known for mental instability. For more than two days, White starved and dehydrated his shivering, exhausted captives, steadily cursing and castigating them, glorying in their helplessness and describing their imminent hanging. He quick-marched them twelve miles through bad weather to the town of Washington, where in physical and emotional collapse, they were held in jail, without charge, ready for questioning by the military.

 

In the days after the Dreadful Night, mass arrests went on anyway: the brutality of the arrests and the torment of detention served the purpose of discouraging citizens of the Forks – and everywhere else – not only from engaging in resistance but also from forming societies and organizations.

View Article  Whiskey Rebellion - The Army - Officers and Draftees

 

The Whiskey Rebellion Series

 

The citizen army that Washington and Hamilton were moving west had two classes. Officers came from the ranks of the creditor aristocracy in the seaboard cities. The men these cavaliers were commanding were mainly militia draftees. Because better-off draftees hired substitutes to serve in their places, the ranks were crowded with the poorest laborers and landless workers, recent immigrants and subsistence farmers.

 

The draftees had no uniforms. Their clothing couldn’t keep out autumn dampness and chill. To Hamilton’s frustration, the supply process was chronically sluggish, and desperately needed tents, overalls, and jackets, even blankets, were scarce. The men slept in cold fields, sometimes in tents but always on the ground, usually without straw for insulation. Drinking water could be bad, food paltry. Officers stayed in warm taverns and homes, where they spent their plentiful coin on extra food and drink. At times they were lavishly fed and entertained by hosts who could proffer fine wines and the charms of piano-playing daughters. Out in the camps, men drank whiskey and fired newly issued muskets for fun. Drunk on wine in brick houses, officers didn’t focus on orders not to waste powder.

 

Mornings began with floggings. Draft evasion had been rampant, with militiamen simply running and hiding. Once pressed into service, men deserted incorrigibly, embarrassing state governors and undermining the mission’s political spin: this was supposed to be a patriotic citizen army, reporting eagerly for duty to suppress ambitious traitors.

 

Foot soldiers felt resentment for the mission and had hopes mainly for plunder. They were all hungry and cold. While families cowered in farmhouses, freelancing soldiers crashed drunk through fields of just-ripened crops, tearing down fences for firewood, slaughtering chickens and pigs, buildings fires, and sleeping where they fell.

 

This army seemed thirstier for blood, more intent on murder, less disciplined. Rebel militias had been trying to take over the legitimate government. These soldiers were even more frightening: they were the legitimate government.